County Government


While originally established to serve as instrumentalities of the state existing for state purposes, counties in New York are now full-service general purpose units of government that provide a vast array of services to their residents.


What is a County?

New York counties started as entities established by the State Legislature to carry out specified functions at the local level on behalf of the state. During the 20th century, county government in New York underwent major changes in function, form and basic nature.

The counties in New York are no longer merely subdivisions of the state that primarily exist to perform state functions. The county is now a municipal corporation with geographical jurisdiction, home rule powers and the fiscal capacity to provide a wide range of services to its residents. To some extent, counties have evolved into a form of “regional” government that performs specified functions and which encompasses, but does not necessarily supersede, the jurisdiction of the cities, towns and villages within its borders.

New York State outside New York City is divided into 57 counties. The five boroughs of the City of New York function as counties for certain purposes, although they are not organized as such nor do they operate as county governments. Unless otherwise indicated, references to counties in this chapter will apply only to those outside New York City. Counties in New York are diverse in population and demographics. The 2010 Census populations of the counties vary from Suffolk County’s 1,493,350 to Hamilton County’s 4,836. St. Lawrence County is the largest in geographical area, with over 2,700 square miles, and Rockland is the smallest, with an area of 175 square miles. The most densely populated county is Nassau County with more than 4,700 people per square mile, and the most sparsely populated is Hamilton County, with fewer than 3 people per square mile. The population of New York’s counties is shown in New York State Counties [1] and New York City Boroughs/Counties.

Of the state’s 57 counties outside New York City, 21 contain no cities. All counties include towns and villages, although the number of each varies widely. For example, St. Lawrence, Cattaraugus and Steuben counties each contain 32 towns, while there are only three towns in Nassau County. Hamilton and Warren counties each contain one village to the 64 villages within Nassau County.

The foregoing statistics demonstrates that not all counties in New York State are alike. The State of New York has some of the most urban and rural counties in the nation, and the interests, concerns and governmental expectations of their residents are similarly diverse.

Historical Development

The patterns of county government organization in New York were set in colonial times. The “Duke’s Laws” of 1665 created “ridings,” or judicial districts, which were in effect a system of embryonic counties. In 1683, an act of the first Assembly of the Colony established the first 12 counties — adding 2 to the 10 which had previously come into existence — and created the office of sheriff in each county. These original counties were Albany, Cornwall, Dukes, Duchess, Kings, New York, Orange, Queens, Richmond, Suffolk, Ulster, and Westchester. Cornwall and Dukes were deemed part of Massachusetts after 1691. County legislative bodies began at the same time, when freeholders, later known as supervisors, were elected to represent each town in the establishment of tax rates to defray the costs of county government, including the operation of a court house and a jail.

The reasons for the creation of county governments in the early colonial period appear to have been practical: to improve protection against enemies and to provide a more broadly based mechanism for maintaining law and order. The first duties of county government lay in these functional areas. The sheriffs in the first counties were appointed by the Governor and could serve only one term. The first State Constitution in 1777, which designated counties, towns and cities as the only units of local government, recognized the existence of 14 counties that had been established earlier by the colonial Assembly. Two of those counties were ceded to Vermont in 1790 in the settlement of the New Hampshire land-grant controversy. All of New York’s other 50 counties were created by acts of the State Legislature. The state’s newest county, Bronx, was established in 1914.

The basic composition of the counties was set in 1788 when the State Legislature divided all of the existing counties into towns. Towns, of course, were of earlier origin, but in that year they acquired a new legal status as components of the counties.

Throughout the nineteenth century, additional counties were created, usually when an area contained approximately 1,000 residents. New counties were typically formed out of existing counties, some of which originally covered vast geographical areas.

Table 1. New York State Counties [1]
County Chief Administrative Official Legislative Body Number of Members Population**

Albany*

Executive

Legislature

39

304,204

Allegany

Administrator

Legislature

15

48,946

Broome*

Executive

Legislature

15

200,600

Cattaraugus

Administrator

Legislature

21

80,317

Cayuga

Manager

Legislature

15

80,026

Chautauqua*

Executive

Legislature

19

134,905

Chemung*

Executive

Legislature

15

88,830

Chenango

Chair of Legislative Body

Supervisors

23

50,477

Clinton

Administrator

Legislature

10

82,128

Columbia

Chair of Legislative Body

Supervisors

23

63,096

Cortland

Administrator

Legislature

17

49,336

Delaware

Chair of Legislative Body

Supervisors

19

47,980

Dutchess*

Executive

Legislature

24

297,488

Erie*

Executive

Legislature

11

919,040

Essex

Manager

Supervisors

18

39,370

Franklin

Manager

Legislature

7

51,599

Fulton

Administrator

Supervisors

20

55,531

Genesee

Manager

Legislature

9

60,079

Greene

Administrator

Legislature

14

49,221

Hamilton

Chair of Legislative Body

Supervisors

9

4,836

Herkimer*

Administrator

Legislature

17

64,519

Jefferson

Administrator

Legislature

15

116,229

Lewis

Manager

Legislature

10

27,087

Livingston

Administrator

Supervisors

18

65,393

Madison

Administrator

Supervisors

20

73,442

Monroe*

Executive

Legislature

29

744,344

Montgomery

Executive

Supervisors

9

50,219

Nassau*

Executive

Legislature

19

1,339,532

Niagara

Manager

Legislature

19

216,469

Oneida*

Executive

Legislature

23

234,878

Onondaga*

Executive

Legislature

17

467,026

Ontario

Administrator

Supervisors

20

107,931

Orange*

Executive

Legislature

21

372,813

Orleans

Administrator

Legislature

7

42,883

Oswego

Administrator

Legislature

25

122,109

Otsego

Chair of Legislative Body

Legislature

14

62,259

Putnam*

Executive

Legislature

9

99,710

Rensselaer*

Executive

Legislature

19

159,429

Rockland*

Executive

Legislature

17

311,687

St. Lawrence

Administrator

Legislature

15

111,944

Saratoga

Administrator

Supervisors

22

219,607

Schenectady*

Manager

Legislature

15

154,727

Schoharie

Chair of Legislative Body

Supervisors

15

32,749

Schuyler

Administrator

Legislature

9

18,343

Seneca

Manager

Supervisors

14

35,251

Steuben

Manager

Legislature

17

98,990

Suffolk*

Executive

Legislature

18

1,493,350

Sullivan*

Manager

Legislature

9

77,547

Tioga

Chair of Legislative Body

Legislature

9

51,125

Tompkins*

Administrator

Legislature

14

101,564

Ulster*

Executive

Legislature

23

182,493

Warren

Administrator

Supervisors

20

65,707

Washington

Administrator

Supervisors

17

63,216

Wayne

Administrator

Supervisors

15

93,772

Westchester*

Executive

Legislature

17

949,113

Wyoming

Chair of Legislative Body

Supervisors

16

42,155

Yates

Administrator

Legislature

14

25,348

* Denotes a Charter County

Table 2. New York City Boroughs/Counties
Borough Population [1]

Bronx

1,385,108

Kings (Brooklyn)

2,504,700

New York

1,585,873

Queens

2,230,722

Richmond (Staten Island)

468,730

The Changing Nature of County Government

The basic changes in form, powers and functions, which the counties in New York have been undergoing, have been hastened and facilitated by three major developments:

  • The rapid urbanization of many areas of the state after World War II, particularly in the environs of large cities;

  • The availability, by general law, of authority for the residents of a county to draft and adopt a home rule charter to provide whatever form of government they consider most appropriate to local needs, and through the charter, to assign to the county government duties and functions they want the county to undertake — within state Constitutional and statutory limitations;

  • Basic alteration of the representative base for county legislative bodies resulting from federal and state court rulings requiring that such representation comply with the “one person-one vote” principle.

While county government still must perform as an administrative arm of state government for many purposes, at the same time it must be an independent unit of government exercising powers of its own to meet demands.

As the population spilled out from the central cities of the metropolitan areas, the towns and the counties occupying the periphery had to take on a wide range of new functions, services and duties. As a result, the forms and procedures of county government changed to meet the needs of the metropolitan areas. At the same time, however, the old forms of county government, which largely reflected rural needs and county functions as state administrative units, were retained in areas where they were still appropriate. Even in the latter case, however, it has proven convenient for the state to use the counties in new ways for new purposes in carrying out new state programs and objectives.

At the present time, most New Yorkers live in counties that are now considered urban because of their population or proximity to a major city. Some counties are marginally urban because of their economic orientation and because people journey to work from those counties to larger metropolitan centers that may be some distance away. This very fact, however, lends an urban aura to those counties even though their primary activities may still have rural characteristics.

The County Charter Movement

One of the developments that has facilitated the changing nature of county government in New York has been the provision of general law authority for counties to draft and adopt home rule charters by local initiative and action.

Most of the counties of the state still operate, as they did in the past, under the general provisions of the New York State County Law. Even these counties have certain latitude under state law to develop their own organizational structures and to provide for the administration of their services. In fact, a majority of the counties that operate under the County Law have a county administrator or comparable position.

Any county, regardless of size, may gain a much wider scope for local initiative and action through the adoption of a county charter. Charter Counties in New York State lists the 23 charter counties in New York and the year of adoption of their current charter.

Table 3. Charter Counties in New York State
County Date Charter Adopted

Nassau

1936

Westchester

1937

Suffolk

1958

Erie

1959

Oneida

1961

Onondaga

1961

Monroe

1965

Schenectady

1965

Broome

1966

Herkimer

1966

Dutchess

1967

Orange

1968

Tompkins

1968

Rensselaer

1972

Albany

1973

Chemung

1973

Chautauqua

1974

Putnam

1977

Rockland

1983

Sullivan

1999

Ulster

2006

Montgomery

2012

Steuben

2013

The spread of the county charter movement in New York has been a relatively recent phenomenon. In 1937, the Legislature enacted an Optional County Government Law which broadened the scope of local choice as to organization and form. By the early 1950’s only three counties — Nassau, Monroe and Westchester — had organized under optional or special charters granted by the State Legislature. Because of the counties indifferent response to this form, in 1952 the Legislature repealed the Optional County Government Law and enacted the Alternative County Government Law, which extended to the counties a choice of four optional alternative forms of government organization. However, no county utilized the provisions of this law. In 1958, Suffolk County was granted an alternative form of county government by special state legislation.

An amendment to the State Constitution in 1959 provided the necessary constitutional basis for locally developed and adopted charters. With the implementing statutes enacted by the State Legislature, the amendment enabled counties to adopt charters that could supersede the governmental structures provided in the County Law. The response was immediate; Erie County in 1959 was the first to adopt its own charter under the new law. In 1961, Oneida and Onondaga Counties followed. Enactment in 1963 of the Municipal Home Rule Law, to which the County Charter Law provisions were transferred, further facilitated the reorganization by charter of county governments. Since that change, the number of counties operating under charters has increased to 23. One of these counties — Herkimer — chose only to reapportion the county legislative body through the county charter method and left intact the organizational arrangements provided under the County Law.

Reform of County Legislative Bodies

A third recent development that significantly impacted county government in New York was the reapportionment of representation in county legislative bodies in response to judicial mandates.

From the earliest days of county government, the county’s legislative body — and its executive and administrative elements as well — was a board of supervisors. The board of supervisors consisted primarily of the supervisors of the towns within the county, who were elected solely as town officers at town elections, but who served ex officio as county legislators. In counties containing cities a number of “city supervisors” were elected by city voters, usually by wards, to serve solely as county officials and having no other duties as city officials.

In the early 1960s, the courts found that many of the arrangements in New York for boards of supervisors violated the Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution. The basis for this ruling was the fact that each town in a county, small or large, had one vote in the legislative body. Thus, a voter in a town with a population of a hundred wielded ten times more weight in the county legislative body than did a voter in a town of a thousand. Accordingly, the counties were ordered to bring the apportionment of their legislative bodies into compliance with the principle of one person-one vote.

The counties of New York State have used one of two basic methods to comply with the Supreme Court’s mandate: weighted voting or districting. Some counties still retain the board of supervisor’s arrangement, but with an appropriate weighting of the relative voting strength of each supervisor. Other counties now elect legislators from districts, which may or may not coincide with town lines.

Variations of these two basic methods have been used to accommodate local conditions. In some counties, weighted voting provides that each legislator “casts the decisive vote on legislation in the same ratio which the population of his or her constituency bears to the total population.” In others, the weighting simply reflects the represented population. Districting has taken the form of single or multi-member districts or a mix of both.

In many cases the members of the county legislative bodies now occupy their positions in that capacity alone; they are clearly county legislators, elected as such. This is a major change in the basic structure of county government, since it can be argued that until the county had its own independently elected legislative body, it could not truly be regarded as a full unit of local government with its own defined powers and its own authority to utilize those powers in response to countywide needs.

County Government Organization

Four organizational elements exist in some form and in varying degrees among all counties, both charter and non-charter. These are: (1) a form of executive or administrative authority, either separate from or as a part of legislative authority; (2) a legislative body; (3) an administrative structure; and (4) certain elective or appointed officers who carry out specific optional duties and functions.

Executive and Administrative Authority

Non-charter Counties

The County Law, which provides the legal framework for non-charter county government, makes no provision for an independent executive or administrative authority. The executive and legislative authority remain joined in the legislative body, which may exercise that function in different ways. The legislative body may organize its committee structure around the functional areas of county government; each committee or its chair exercises a certain amount of supervisory or administrative authority on behalf of the legislative body over the operational arrangements for the provision of the specific service or activity. The legislature may also delegate to its chair a substantial amount of administrative authority to be exercised on its behalf.

As long as the functions of county government were relatively few and simple, such arrangements assured the legislature of direct information about day-to-day county operations. As county functions and programs increased in number, diversified in kind, and expanded enormously in both complexity and cost, this fragmentation of administrative authority often fell short of providing necessary overall supervision and coordinated direction. Partly to correct this inadequacy, the county charter movement spread rapidly during the 1950’s and 1960’s among the larger and rapidly urbanizing counties of the state.

In addition to the internal arrangements whereby a county legislative body may exercise a certain amount of executive and administrative authority, several provisions of law authorize the county legislature to establish the office of county administrator or a similar office to carry out, on behalf of the legislature, certain administrative functions.

The first of these provisions is section 10(1)(a)(1) of the Municipal Home Rule Law, which authorizes local governments to enact local laws relating to the powers, duties, qualifications, number, mode of selection and removal, and terms of office of their officers and employees. Under this provision, a county may create the office of county administrator or manager, and assign to the office certain administrative functions and duties to be performed on behalf of the county legislature.

A county legislature should keep two factors in mind when creating such an office. The first is to determine whether the powers and functions to be assigned to the office would either diminish the powers of any elected county official or transfer to such an office any powers and duties presently vested by law in other county offices. In such situations, the Municipal Home Rule Law provides for a mandatory referendum. The second is to determine how far the county legislature is empowered to go in assigning various functions and duties to the office of county administrator. At what point will the legislature, in effect, be enacting an alternative form of county government? In other words, how far can the county go in assigning powers and functions before it becomes necessary to enact a county charter?

Another option is found in the Municipal Home Rule Law, section 10(1)(b)(4), which authorizes a county to create by local law the position of administrative assistant to the chairman of the board of supervisors. While such a law may assign specified administrative functions, powers, or duties to this office the board must remain the final authority with respect to such administrative functions and duties.

Finally, Section 204 of the County Law provides that the county legislative body may establish the position of “executive assistant” by local law, resolution, or by inclusion in the county budget.

The foregoing illustrates that a county government without a charter still has a number of options through which it can provide itself with a certain amount of administrative leadership and day-to-day direction. However, the legislative body must retain the executive authority generally embodied in making policy and developing the annual budget.

Charter Counties

The principal difference between a county government operating pursuant to the County Law and one operating pursuant to a charter is that a county charter ordinarily provides for an executive or administrator, independent of the legislature, who administers the day-to-day affairs of county government. Of the 23 charter counties in the state, 18 have elected executives, while 3 have professional managers, and 2 have administrators.

Voters in the charter counties of New York, in most cases, have chosen the elected executive form of county government organization. The creation of the office of elected executive provides the county with potentially strong leadership, because the executive is elected by the voters of the entire county. Thus, the executive operates from a strong political base to speak for the county, and to exercise leadership in relation to the legislative body. This principle holds true even where the charter does not endow the executive with extensive powers.

The elected executive also provides a focus of public attention in county government that is lacking in the organization under the County Law. Like elected executives at other levels, the county executive operates under constant scrutiny.

Under most county charters, the elected county executive may secure additional professional administrative assistance, subject to appropriated funds. For example, the executive may provide, within the annual appropriation, for the creation of the office of deputy county executive for administration or for an executive assistant to carry out responsibilities that may be delegated by the executive.

One of the most influential elements of the elected executive’s authority is the budgetary power, an essential tool of executive participation in policy development and in strong administration. Through the framing of an executive budget, the county executive establishes and recommends to the county legislature priorities among programs. If they are approved by the legislative body, these priorities provide a direction for the implementation of policies.

Another important element of the authority of the county executive or county manager in charter counties is the power to appoint and remove department heads. The charter may allow the executive to exercise this authority without confirmation or approval by the legislative body, and in other cases, the charter may require the confirmation or approval of the action. In either case, the executive must exercise this authority within the scope of the applicable civil service laws as described in [personnel_administration#personnel_administration].

Initially, the size of a county’s population has much to do with whether the county’s voters believe is necessary to provide the county with executive leadership and day-to-day direction of operations by adopting a locally drafted charter. It is possible, however, that other considerations, such as fiscal concerns, are of equal importance. Without a strengthening of executive capacity, the urbanizing counties of the state found themselves severely handicapped in meeting and dealing with new and expanding service demands. Legal authority to draft and adopt a charter locally, one specifically tailored to fit local conditions and requirements, has facilitated the efforts of counties to meet their rapidly growing responsibilities as true units of local government.

County Legislative Bodies

Every county has power to enact laws, adopt resolutions, and take other actions having the force of law within its jurisdiction. This power, along with the related authority to make policy determinations, is vested in a legislative body.

The legislative bodies of the counties are designated by various names, including Board of Supervisors, Board of Representatives, Board of Legislators, and County Legislature. Originally, the legislative bodies of all counties were boards of supervisors, consisting of the town and city supervisors. With the adoption of various reapportionment plans and with the spread of home rule charters, however, other designations were developed according to local preference.

New York State Counties [1] shows the basic makeup of county legislative bodies, along with their 2010 Census populations. This table illustrates that neither the size of a county’s population nor the fact of having a charter have little if anything to do with the size of a county’s legislative body. Legislatures range in size from seven members in Franklin and Orleans Counties to 39 in Albany County.

Generally, members of county legislative bodies are elected for either two or four year terms. In counties that have retained a Board of Supervisors, the term of office for each member is two years, except in towns that have exercised the option under the Town Law to extend the term to four years. Of the 57 county legislative bodies, 36 conduct scheduled meetings once a month and 17 meet twice a month. Other meeting patterns are practiced by three counties. One legislative body, Herkimer, conducts a scheduled meeting quarterly but holds additional meetings as needed. All of the legislative bodies convene for special meetings, a fairly frequent occurrence in many counties.

Since the role of the county as a true unit of local government continues to evolve, the legislative bodies of New York counties are continuing to change. Their committee structures, rules of procedure, and patterns of action may reflect some practices of earlier times, but it is clear that adjustments are under way. The heightened responsibility of members of county legislative bodies is indicated by the fact that the budgets they must consider and adopt each year range from tens of millions of dollars in small counties to hundreds of millions in large counties. Several counties have budgets in excess of one billion dollars, and Nassau County’s budget exceeds three billion dollars.

Administrative Structure

The administrative structures of county governments in New York are generally similar. The basic organizational arrangements and operational procedures of county administration were set at a time when the functions and duties were few, relatively simple and largely reflective of state objectives. In some counties with smaller and homogeneous populations, the traditional arrangements still provide an adequate administrative structure.

CountyLawFormOrganizationChart.svg
Figure 1. County Law Form Organization Chart
CountyExecutiveFormOrganizationChart.svg
Figure 2. County Executive Form Organization Chart
CountyManagerFormOrganizationChart.svg
Figure 3. County Manager Form Organization Chart

In the large counties, however, urbanization has created a need for new patterns of administration as well as new leadership arrangements. The result has been a rapid growth in both the size and complexity of county administrative structures. These arrangements meet the needs of both ongoing traditional county functions, such as law enforcement and record keeping, as well as the newer county functions in such areas as industrial and economic development, mental health services, and the provision of recreational facilities and programs.

The administrative structures of New York counties generally fall into three categories: (1) organization under the County Law; (2) organization with an elected county executive; and (3) organization with an appointed manager or administrator. As might be expected, there are many similarities among these three forms, but there are also differences. As illustrated in County Law Form Organization Chart, County Executive Form Organization Chart, and County Manager Form Organization Chart, the primary differences among the three forms are at the top, in the relationship between the elected representative body and how the county is functionally administered. The administrative structure of a county government does not depend on whether the county elects an executive, appoints a manager, or leaves administrative direction and supervision to its legislative body. However, most of the larger counties have found it desirable, if not necessary, to divide their administrative structures into many departments. This organizational structure facilitates proper direction and supervision of what have become large-scale enterprises.

Other Elected and Appointed Officers

In counties organized under the County Law, the following officials must be elected: district attorney, sheriff, coroner(s) and county clerk. Under a home rule charter, a county may alter some of these officers’ duties, subject to referendum. The treasurer must also be elected, but this office may be eliminated under either the County Law or a home rule charter.

Many of the charter counties have dropped the office of treasurer and incorporated its functions with those of a director of finance. The office of sheriff, although based in the Constitution, may also be substantially modified. In counties with county police departments, for example, the office of sheriff has few, if any, law enforcement functions, but may retain civil functions and responsibility for operating a county correctional facility.

The Functions of County Government

At the beginning of this chapter we noted that the principal reasons for creating county governments in the colonial period were to facilitate the defense of the community against enemies and to maintain public order.

With the establishment of state government, the counties provided an already existing and readily available administrative unit through which the state could carry out a number of its functions and duties. To do this, the counties found themselves keeping records on behalf of the state, enforcing state laws and conducting elections for the state, among other state-assigned functions. In New York, as in other states, the prevailing view saw county government as an arm of state government, serving state purposes.

It is doubtful that many residents of the counties of New York ever fully shared this assessment of the nature of the county. The people of the counties appear to have felt from earliest times that the county, like the city, the town and the village, was one of “their” local governments, even though it may have performed duties for the state.

The recent fundamental changes in the nature and form of county government in New York have in some ways brought the legal concept of a county closer in line with the concept held by most of the counties’ inhabitants. The impetus for this merger of the de jure with the de facto probably sprang from the rapidly expanding demands for services, which were stimulated by population growth and urbanization, which often could not be supplied by the towns, cities, and villages.

The functions of county government at the beginning of the twenty-first century scarcely resemble those of colonial times, although the county still enforces laws and maintains order. In 1980, total expenditures by county government in New York amounted to $5.5 billion. By 2010, this amount had grown to over $23.1 billion. To see what counties are doing today and to illustrate the demands now being placed on county government, it is useful to examine how county government spends its money. <<county_expenditure_trends_table>> shows the dollar amount and percent distribution of major expenditures for all counties for 1980 and 2010.

SOURCE: Office of the New York State Comptroller

Economic assistance, which includes social services programs such as Medicaid and Aid to Dependent Children, remains the largest category of expenditure for county government. However, the share of the distribution of expenditure for this category has declined as expenditures in other categories have increased and accounting for Medicaid expenditures has changed. In 1980, county expenditures for Medicaid reflected the entire cost of the program (counties paid the full cost and were then reimbursed from state and federal sources). In 2003, however, county medical expenditures reflect only the county contribution (roughly 25 per cent of total Medicaid costs), making comparisons between these years difficult. The greatest percentage of growth in dollar terms has been in the education category, which includes the counties’ obligation to pay for the education of pre-school special education children as well as the costs of providing community college education to county residents. Police and public safety has also experienced significant growth and expenditures accounting for the cost of operating a jail in addition to the expenses of a sheriff’s department, plus probation and rehabilitation services. General government includes staffing and administrative costs of county officials, the district attorney, public defenders, maintenance of buildings and other central operations.

Elections

A significant change in voting systems was made with the implementation of the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (HAVA), which required that voting machines and voting systems used in all states meet minimum performance standards, and for the uniform administration of the electoral process, from voter registration to the casting of the ballot. New York State Election Law, Article 7, in part, implements HAVA. One important change is the transfer of ownership of voting systems from each of New York’s cities, towns, and villages to each respective County Board of Elections. Prior to this statutory change, with only several exceptions, voting machines were owned by local municipalities. In the federal election of November 2000, there were 15,571 election districts in New York State. With the exception of voters in approximately 60 election districts, the balance of the state’s voters voted on one of the 19,843 lever machines in use at that time. Central count voting systems are owned by the county boards of elections, and are used to count absentee and affidavit optical scan or punch card ballots. In compliance with HAVA, the State Legislature banned punch card absentee systems in 2005, which resulted in the use of a single technology (optical scan system) certified for use in New York. At present, the majority of county boards in the state use central count op-scan central count voting systems.

In 2006, compliance with HAVA and an implementing Federal Court order required the placement of at least one such ballot marking device in each county, though counties could provide more access than just a single device for their entire county. The State Board of Elections certified five ballot marking devices to serve as an interim compliance solution to provide access for voters with disabilities, while New York’s efforts at obtaining certification for HAVA-compliant voting systems and ballot marking devices continued. Today, all county boards of elections have implemented certified transparent, accurate and verifiable optical scan poll site voting systems and ballot marking devices throughout the state’s 15,005 election districts.

Transfer of Functions

Article 9, section 1(h)(l) of the State Constitution authorizes alternative forms of county government to transfer functions or duties from one unit of local government to another, subject to referenda approval. Any such transfer, whether included in a proposed county charter or charter amendment, or by local law through procedures set forth in section 33-a of the Municipal Home Rule Law, must be approved by separate majorities in the area of the county outside the cities, and in all cities in the county, if any, “considered as one unit.” In addition, if a function or duty is transferred to or from any village, the transfer must also be approved by a majority of voters in all villages so affected, again “considered as one unit.”

In many cases, counties have assumed new activities without formal transfer of the function. So long as the county has power to engage in a specific activity — the provision of parks, for example — it often does so at the same time that cities, towns and villages undertake similar activity. This power of the local units to carry out the same activity presents local taxpayers with recurring policy questions regarding which units can perform each service best and at least cost. In many cases cities have urged counties to assume activities, such as oversight of parks, zoos, civic centers and the like, not only to spread the cost more equitably, since all county residents are likely to use such facilities, but also because the county has greater ability to finance such activities.

Summary

Although the counties still carry out, in one way or another, their original functions and duties, they also have taken on a vast array of new ones. As a result, county governments in New York have had to adapt so that they can provide and finance these services for all the cities, towns and villages within their jurisdiction.

County government has been strengthened as a unit between the cities, towns and villages on the one hand and the state government on the other. The State Legislature and the people of the state have made it possible, through the Constitution and statutes, for the counties to restructure themselves, if they choose, to provide the executive and administrative leadership, the administrative organization and the operational procedures required meeting new demands.

In urban areas, the counties are now major providers of services, and it appears likely that county government will continue to assume new responsibilities.


1. County government information courtesy New York State Association of Counties
1. Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, courtesy of Empire State Development Corporation

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